Showing posts with label PNOY. Show all posts
Showing posts with label PNOY. Show all posts

Wednesday, August 26, 2015

ENRILE vs. SANDIGANBAYAN: DIGEST AND COMMENTS

G.R. No. 213847; August 18, 2015
Ponente: Bersamin

Doctrines:
Primary objective of bail – The strength of the Prosecution's case, albeit a good measure of the accused's propensity for flight or for causing harm to the public, is subsidiary to the primary objective of bail, which is to ensure that the accused appears at trial.

Bail is a right and a matter of discretion – Right to bail is afforded in Sec. 13, Art III of the 1987 Constitution and repeted in Sec. 7, Rule 114 of the Rules of Criminal Procedure to wit: “No person charged with a capital offense, or an offense punishable by reclusion perpetua or life imprisonment, shall be admitted to bail when evidence of guilt is strong, regardless of the stage of the criminal prosecution.”

FACTS:
On June 5, 2014, Petitioner Juan Ponce Enrile was charged with plunder in the Sandiganbayan on the basis of his purported involvement in the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) Scam. Initially, Enrile in an Omnibus Motion requested to post bail, which the Sandiganbayan denied. On July 3, 2014, a warrant for Enrile's arrest was issued, leading to Petitioner's voluntary surrender.
Senator Enrile

Petitioner again asked the Sandiganbayan in a Motion to Fix Bail which was heard by the Sandiganbayan. Petitioner argued that: (a) Prosecution had not yet established that the evidence of his guilt was strong; (b) that, because of his advanced age and voluntary surrender, the penalty would only be reclusion temporal, thus allowing for bail and; (c) he is not a flight risk due to his age and physical condition. Sandiganbayan denied this in its assailed resolution. Motion for Reconsideration was likewise denied.

ISSUES:
1) Whether or not bail may be granted as a matter of right unless the crime charged is punishable by reclusion perpetua where the evidence of guilt is strong.
a. Whether or not prosecution failed to show that if ever petitioner would be convicted, he will be punishable by reclusion perpetua.

b. Whether or not prosecution failed to show that petitioner's guilt is strong.

2. Whether or not petitioner is bailable because he is not a flight risk.

HELD:
1. YES.

Bail as a matter of right – due process and presumption of innocence.
Article III, Sec. 14 (2) of the 1987 Constitution provides that in all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall be presumed innocent until the contrary is proved. This right is safeguarded by the constitutional right to be released on bail.

The purpose of bail is to guarantee the appearance of the accused at trial and so the amount of bail should be high enough to assure the presence of the accused when so required, but no higher than what may be reasonably calculated to fulfill this purpose.

Bail as a matter of discretion
Right to bail is afforded in Sec. 13, Art III of the 1987 Constitution and repeted in Sec. 7, Rule 114 of the Rules of Criminal Procedure to wit:

Capital offense of an offense punishable by reclusion perpetua or life imprisonment, not bailable. — No person charged with a capital offense, or an offense punishable by reclusion perpetua or life imprisonment, shall be admitted to bail when evidence of guilt is strong, regardless of the stage of the criminal prosecution.

The general rule: Any person, before conviction of any criminal offense, shall be bailable.

Exception: Unless he is charged with an offense punishable with reclusion perpetua [or life imprisonment] and the evidence of his guilt is strong.

Thus, denial of bail should only follow once it has been established that the evidence of guilt is strong. Where evidence of guilt is not strong, bail may be granted according to the discretion of the court.

Thus, Sec. 5 of Rule 114 also provides:

Bail, when discretionary. — Upon conviction by the Regional Trial Court of an offense not punishable by death, reclusion perpetua, or life imprisonment, admission to bail is discretionary. The application for bail may be filed and acted upon by the trial court despite the filing of a notice of appeal, provided it has not transmitted the original record to the appellate court. However, if the decision of the trial court convicting the accused changed the nature of the offense from non-bailable to bailable, the application for bail can only be filed with and resolved by the appellate court.

Should the court grant the application, the accused may be allowed to continue on provisional liberty during the pendency of the appeal under the same bail subject to the consent of the bondsman.

If the penalty imposed by the trial court is imprisonment exceeding six (6) years, the accused shall be denied bail, or his bail shall be cancelled upon a showing by the prosecution, with notice to the accused, of the following or other similar circumstances:

(a) That he is a recidivist, quasi-recidivist, or habitual delinquent, or has committed the crime aggravated by the circumstance of reiteration;

(b) That he has previously escaped from legal confinement, evaded sentence, or violated the conditions of his bail without valid justification;

(c) That he committed the offense while under probation, parole, or conditional pardon;

(d) That the circumstances of his case indicate the probability of flight if released on bail; or

(e) That there is undue risk that he may commit another crime during the pendency of the appeal.

The appellate court may, motu proprio or on motion of any party, review the resolution of the Regional Trial Court after notice to the adverse party in either case.

Thus, admission to bail in offenses punished by death, or life imprisonment, or reclusion perpetua subject to judicial discretion. In Concerned Citizens vs. Elma, the court held: “[S]uch discretion may be exercised only after the hearing called to ascertain the degree of guilt of the accused for the purpose of whether or not he should be granted provisional liberty.” Bail hearing with notice is indispensable (Aguirre vs. Belmonte). The hearing should primarily determine whether the evidence of guilt against the accused is strong.

The procedure for discretionary bail is described in Cortes vs. Catral:

1. In all cases, whether bail is a matter of right or of discretion, notify the prosecutor of the hearing of the application for bail or require him to submit his recommendation (Section 18, Rule 114 of the Rules of Court as amended);

2. Where bail is a matter of discretion, conduct a hearing of the application for bail regardless of whether or not the prosecution refuses to present evidence to show that the guilt of the accused is strong for the purpose of enabling the court to exercise its sound discretion; (Section 7 and 8, supra)

3. Decide whether the guilt of the accused is strong based on the summary of evidence of the prosecution;

4. If the guilt of the accused is not strong, discharge the accused upon the approval of the bailbond (Section 19, supra) Otherwise petition should be denied.

2. YES.

Petitioner's poor health justifies his admission to bail
The Supreme Court took note of the Philippine's responsibility to the international community arising from its commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We therefore have the responsibility of protecting and promoting the right of every person to liberty and due process and for detainees to avail of such remedies which safeguard their fundamental right to liberty. Quoting from Government of Hong Kong SAR vs. Olalia, the SC emphasized:

x x x uphold the fundamental human rights as well as value the worth and dignity of every person. This commitment is enshrined in Section II, Article II of our Constitution which provides: “The State values the dignity of every human person and guarantees full respect for human rights.” The Philippines, therefore, has the responsibility of protecting and promoting the right of every person to liberty and due process, ensuring that those detained or arrested can participate in the proceedings before a court, to enable it to decide without delay on the legality of the detention and order their release if justified. In other words, the Philippine authorities are under obligation to make available to every person under detention such remedies which safeguard their fundamental right to liberty. These remedies include the right to be admitted to bail. (emphasis in decision)

Sandiganbayan committed grave abuse of discretion
Sandiganbayan arbitrarily ignored the objective of bail to ensure the appearance of the accused during the trial and unwarrantedly disregarded the clear showing of the fragile health and advanced age of Petitioner. As such the Sandiganbayan gravely abused its discretion in denying the Motion to Fix Bail. It acted whimsically and capriciously and was so patent and gross as to amount to an evasion of a positive duty [to allow petitioner to post bail].

-o0o-

LEONEN DISSENT


Justice Leonen
(Source: wikipedia.org)

Justice Leonen criticized the decision for having a very weak legal basis – the grant of bail over mere humanitarian grounds. He also claims that the court has no authority to use humanitarian grounds. Leonen argues that “[Petitioner's] release for medical or humanitarian reasons was not the basis for his prayer in his Motion to Fix Bail before the Sandiganbayan,” nor were these grounds raised in the petition in the Supreme Court.

“Bail for humanitarian considerations is neither presently provided in our Rules of Court nor found in any statute or provision of the Constitution.”

Leonen theorized that the Supreme Court only granted bail as a special accomodation for the petitioner and he goes on to criticize the decision to wit:

[This decision] will usher in an era of truly selective justice not based on their legal provisions, but one that is unpredictable, partial and solely grounded on the presence or absence of human compassion.

x x x

Worse, it puts pressure on all trial courts and the Sandiganbayan that will predictably be deluged with motions to fix bail on the basis of humanitarian considerations. The lower courts will have to decide, without guidance, whether bail should be granted because of advanced age, hypertension, pneumonia, or dreaded diseases. They will have to decide whether this is applicable only to Senators and former Presidents charged with plunder and not to those accused of drug trafficking, multiple incestuous rape, … and other crimes punishable by reclusion perpetua or life imprisonment...

Procedure for granting bail
Leonen's dissent also examines the procedure outlined for the lower courts in bail cases in order to demonstrate that the Sandiganbayan did not err in denying Petitioner's Motion to Fix Bail. In Cortes vs. Catral the Supreme Court held:

It is indeed surprising, not to say, alarming, that the Court should be besieged with a number of administrative cases filed against erring judges involving bail. After all, there is no dearth of jurisprudence on the basic principles involving bail. As a matter of fact, the Court itself, through its Philippine Judicial Academy, has been including lectures on the subject in the regular seminars conducted for judges. Be that as it may, we reiterate the following duties of the trial judge in case an application for bail is filed:

1. In all cases, whether bail is a matter of right or of discretion, notify the prosecutor of the hearing of the application for bail or require him to submit his recommendation (Section 18, Rule 114 of the Rules of Court as amended);

2. Where bail is a matter of discretion, conduct a hearing of the application for bail regardless of whether or not the prosecution refuses to present evidence to show that the guilt of the accused is strong for the purpose of enabling the court to exercise its sound discretion; (Section 7 and 8, supra)

3. Decide whether the guilt of the accused is strong based on the summary of evidence of the prosecution;

4. If the guilt of the accused is not strong, discharge the accused upon the approval of the bailbond (Section 19, supra) Otherwise petition should be denied.

With such succinct but clear rules now incorporated in the Rules of Court, trial judges are enjoined to study them as well and be guided accordingly. Admittedly, judges cannot be held to account for an erroneous decision rendered in good faith, but this defense is much too frequently cited even if not applicable. A number of cases on bail having already been decided, this Court justifiably expects judges to discharge their duties assiduously. For judge is called upon to exhibit more than just a cursory acquaintance with statutes and procedural rules; it is imperative that he be conversant with basic legal principles. Faith in the administration of justice can only be engendered if litigants are convinced that the members of the Bench cannot justly be charge with a deficiency in their grasp of legal principles.

Petitioner in this case, insisted that the Sandiganbayan grant his bail without any hearing for the purpose of determining whether the evidence of guilt is strong. At the Motion to Fix Bail, the prosecution had no opportunity to present any evidence because of the prematurity of Petitioner's Motion [to Fix Bail]. Thus, the dissent asserts that the Sandiganbayan was correct in denying the Motion based on prematurity.

Medical or humanitarian grounds inappropriate
Petitioner did not ask for bail to be granted based on humanitarian reasons at the Sandiganbayan. Neither petitioner nor the prosecution were able to develop their arguments as to this point to establish legal and factual basis for this kind of bail.

The dissent argues that it was inappropriate for the court to grant bail merely on the basis of the certification of the attending physician, Dr. Gonzales, stating that the Petitioner was suffering from numerous debilitating conditions. The dissent states that:

Nowhere in the rules of procedure do we allow the grant of bail based on judicial notice of a doctor's certification. In doing so, we effectively suspend our rules on evidence by doing away with cross-examination and authentication of Dr. Gonzales' findings on petitioner's health in a hearing whose main purpose is to determine whether no kind of alternative detention is possible.

x x x

The better part of prudence is that we follow strictly our well-entrenched, long-standing, and canonical procedures for bail. Doctrinally, the matter to determine is whether the evidence of guilt is strong. This is to be examined when a hearing is granted as a mandatory manner after petition for bail is filed by accused. The medical condition of the accused, if any, should be pleaded and heard.


asgasgf
Version of the decision submitted by Ponente was not the version deliberated upon
This section of the dissent reveals that the Justices voted to grant bail based on a substantially different version of the opinion, one which did not use humanitarian considerations as a ground for the granting of bail. The dissent explains that the Justices voted 8-4 solely on the issue of whether or not bail is a matter of right and reveals that the copy offered for signature was substantially similar to an earlier draft which used humanitarian considerations as the basis for the granting of bail. The dissent makes it clear that this was an irregularity.

The majority opinion offers no “guidance”
The dissent argues that the main opinion is unclear whether the privilege (humanitarian considerations, right to bail, etc.) will apply to those who have similar conditions. Whether or not this privilege will only apply to those undergoing trial for plunder or whether or not this privilege can be granted to those of advanced age only. “The majority has perilously set an unstated if not ambiguous standard for the special grant of bail on the ground of medical conditions.”

There is also no guidance to the Sandiganbayan as to if, when and how bail can then be canceled.

Reliance on HK vs Olalia misplaced
The reliance of the majority on the case of Government of Hong Kong SAR vs. Olalia is misplaced because this case referred to extradition cases, hence its increased emphasis on international law. As applied to crimes charged under Philippine law, the remedies under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights must be qualified by the Constitution's rules regarding bail.

Furthermore, in the above case, the SC disposed of it by remanding the case back to the lower court for factual determination of whether or not the accused was a flight risk.

BLOGGER'S COMMENTS
The majority opinion and the dissent both make for a very interesting treatise on Criminal Procedure. These will likely be quoted again and again in bail hearings and in classrooms.

The majority opinion is very strained, it had to rely on “motherhood statements” regarding a person's right to liberty and right to bail. The decision used no compelling legal reasoning apart from our commitment to international laws.

Here comes Associate Justice Marvic Leonen, seeing himself as CJ Claudio Teehankee reborn, comes to the rescue claiming that the decision will:

will usher in an era of truly selective justice not based on their legal provisions, but one that is unpredictable, partial and solely grounded on the presence or absence of human compassion.


Factual Milieu is Important
We must note however the factual milieu. At the time Senators Enrile, Revilla and Estrada were charged with plunder, the public perception was that these Senators were the target of a campaign to eliminate the Administration's political enemies.

The perception of some circles critical of the current administration that these three senators, (the trio known colloquially as “Pogi”, “Tanda” and “Sexy”) were hastily charged and unfairly detained. The accusation that the administration was quick to charge its enemies while defending its allies is a valid one. No discussion of the grant of bail will overlook the highly politicized nature of the 3 Senator's incarceration.

That is not to say that this trio and particularly Enrile are innocent. Indeed, the Supreme Court's decision drew a slew of criticism and a few defenders. Below are just a few links to articles criticizing or defending the decision.








Keep in mind that some of these articles were written before the decision actually came out.

Am I comfortable with the decision?
Justice Bersamin - Author of the main decision
(Source: wikipedia.org)

Yes. The decision re-emphasizes the right of people to bail from an ideological standpoint – politically well connected or otherwise – it serves to remind courts and prosecutors to establish probability of guilt for heinous crimes early on. For the innocent languishing in detention centers, this decision is a Godsend and can potentially speed up criminal justice.

Courts and prosecutors will have to take steps to adapt to this new environment. Needless to say, I argue that the requisites of 1. Flight risk and, 2. Strong evidence of guilt are fairly simple and reliable guidelines for the lower courts to follow. The dissent's warning of courts getting swamped with requests of accused to be released on bail and lack of guidance to lower courts is unwarranted fear-mongering.

I am uncomfortable with the dissenting opinion. While I think its arguments as to the finer points of procedure is warranted, it nevertheless casts the Supreme Court in a bad light and can serve to weaken it as an institution.

Wednesday, April 22, 2015

CRITICS OUT TO ERODE PNOY’S ENDORSEMENT POWER

A PREPOSTEROUS ALLEGATION
It is nearly 2016 and in spite of the popularity of movements like One More Term for PNOY, the rule of the second Aquino Presidency will inevitably end. Because of this, many frustrated PNoy supporters are just calling for an end to the criticisms and calls for resignation and to just “wait” for the President’s term to come to an end.
This President is not known for savviness and indeed he may be considered Genre Blind the way he behaves so predictably - refusing to take responsibility for anything and continually blaming past administrations for his shortcomings, at the same time invoking the saintliness of his past and his cause.

According to a March 24, report of the Philippine Star, the President claims that the reason why he is still being criticized is because his enemies want to diminish his endorsement capability. (Read the full report: Noy: Critics out to erode my endorsement power)
“Aquino said a lot has changed since he took over, and he could not help but ask why he remains a target of criticisms when he is not a candidate in 2016”
According to the President:
“The answer to that is simple: If I am able to do good and maybe our critics acknowledge this, naturally, if we endorse (a candidate), it will have importance”
Well thanks for the lesson Capt. Obvious. I’d say that PNoy is only trying to distract us from the real issue of his performance.

Why the President’s Endorsement is Irrelevant

The big problem is that candidates shouldn't be about one person's “brand” - that he shouldn’t be voted for simply on the recommendation of a celebrity or a public figure - they aren’t a product that someone has tried and will recommend.

We must not forget that a prospective candidate has their own brains, their own mouths. A person should be elected on his own merits, rather than because he/she was endorsed or by what the party he's running under stands for. This fact seems to have escaped our President and the entire electorate for that matter.

This is an obsession stemming from the fact that we are such a star-struck and ignorant people. We are too obsessed with celebrity endorsements that we fail to see how irrelevant this is to the actual issue of a sitting President’s performane.


Kuya Noynoy

To think that criticisms levelled against one is intended to prevent deserving people from getting elected is simply preposterous. It shows the mental state of the person elevated to the highest position in the land.

Rather than be concerned about his “endorsement ability”, the President should be concerned with his own credibility and leadership ability. Will the President continue on with his “lame duck” track or will he try to maximize his last year in office?

Endorsements are Important in a Party System Stupid!

Let me point out that the President was referring to a personal endorsement of a candidate. He is worried about tainting the next Liberal Party candidate and ruining his chances to win the 2016 elections. This was pretty much what happened to Gilbert Teodoro, whose endorsement by the reviled outgoing President Arroyo was widely regarded as the “kiss of death” for an otherwise qualified candidate.


Gilbert Teodoro: regarded as qualified, yet tainted
(source: www.wn.com)

Nevertheless, this should serve as a warning that endorsements should not matter at all. In a progressive society, we should look at the candidate’s (or his party’s) platform and track record. Endorsements should merely be regarded as a side-show.

Clearly, the President seems to be clutching at straws with this one.

Friday, January 30, 2015

THE MASSACRE OF THE PNP-SAF AS AN AFFRONT TO OUR SOVEREIGNTY:

AND A SLAP IN THE FACE OF THE “COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF”


The country mourned the loss of “fallen44” brave policemen yesterday, January 30, 2015. Now it must be asked who is to blame and what must be done to give these men justice.

In this post I seek to explain my anger and disgust at the death of 44 elite policemen, the willingness of some sectors to continue with the peace process and why I favor “all-out war” with the MILF. I will then go on to criticize the President for his incompetence and subsequent lack of empathy and inability to take responsibility for his actions.

The Botched “Oplan Wolverine”

Oplan Wolverine was the code name for the operation to “serve a warrant of arrest” for Zulkifli bin Hir aka. “Marwan”, a wanted Jeemah Islamiyah terrorist, infamous for the Bali Bombings. His infamy made some to regard him as “Asia’s Osama Bin Laden”.

Oplan Wolverine was meant to be a covert insertion. It was so secret that the operatives allegedly reported only to the President. The mission draws inspiration from Operation Neptune Spear, the covert operation which resulted in the death of Osama Bin Laden. Thus, like Neptune Spear, Wolverine never contacted the “government” in whose territory the operatives were inserted into.

So far, the most reliable version of events that I could find is narrated in the Inquirer story, SAF chief: I am responsible. It reads:

The 392 police commandos were divided into groups were positioned as early as 3 a.m. on Sunday. The plan, according to Napeñas, was for a surgical operation of only 30 minutes. Four nipa huts in the village were the targets of the assault.

At 4:20 a.m., part of the assault force was able to enter the nipa hut where Marwan was sleeping, Napeñas said.

“Marwan woke up, that was around 4:30 a.m., and he managed to be the first to shoot, that’s why some of us were hit. But we returned fire and killed him outright,” he said.

The exchange of gunfire brought Marwan’s security to action. As the policemen were about to pull out, they came under fire from all directions, Napeñas said.

When the firing became intense, one SAF officer extracted DNA from Marwan, Napeñas said. Then the assault team decided it was best to bring Marwan’s body and shoot its way out of there, he said.

The team got out, said Napeñas, who described the other side as BIFF and MILF forces who “came from all directions.”

At past 6 a.m., the joint monitoring team from the MILF and the government called a ceasefire, Napeñas said, but the “MILF did not stop shooting.”

This version of events appears to be the one that is most commonly accepted as of this writing.

An assessment of of this operation would have to recognize that it was partially successful in terms of accomplishing its objectives. Marwan was killed in the encounter--never to make another bomb again. Unfortunately, the SAF’s secondary objective, Usman may have given them the slip. In the end, it the lack of coordination of leadership with the ground command directly led to the bloodbath.



Mamasapano as a Massacre

Our Special Police Force doesn’t die just like that. Manila Times columnist Mr. Tiglao makes a good argument when he claims that the police surrendered or tried to surrender, but then they were killed just like dogs!




Shot Like Dogs
(Source: Manila Times)

It is simply outrageous that those responsible should not be brought to justice on the pretext that it was a violation of the ceasefire agreement.

The killing looks deliberate, sudden. Otherwise, the SAF would have struggled and fought for their lives. At the very least, this would demonstrate a lack of control of the MILF leadership over their men and the inability to abide by the basic tenets of human decency, which all men with moral fiber, regardless of faith, will know about.

It bears pointing out that these SAF are technically NOT MILITARY forces, subject of ceasefire, these were policemen--CIVILIAN authorities, mercilessly gunned down. Another point is that as policemen, they have every right to be where they were that morning. In my book, that makes their killers nothing more but criminals, thugs and cop-killers.

A Short History Lesson

The Philippines has lived with a conflict in Mindanao for almost the whole of its history. Many say it stems from the land-grabbing of the Christian settlers in most parts of Mindanao, which deprived many Indigenous Peoples (IPs) and Muslim communities without land which was rightfully theirs.

In the 1960s, during the early days of the Marcos Era, the Philippines still had a reputable military. This was also the period of Konfrontasi, a bloody conflict between Malaysia and Indonesia over some territory in Borneo. At the time, the Philippines chose to ally itself with Indonesia. In exchange, the Indonesians would support Philippine claims in Sabah. Now, this botched invasion of Malaysia, is lost to history and is little known.

A Philippine invasion of Malaysia, ultimately never materialized. The reason may be in part because some of the Muslim shock troops that were being trained for the invasion learned that they would be sent to fight their Muslim brothers in Malaysia and thus mutinied. This mutiny led to the Jabidah Massacre on March 18, 1968, wherein between 11 - 200 Muslim recruits were said to have died on Corregidor when Philippine troops fired upon the unarmed trainees.


This massacre was often thought to be some urban legend, but apparently, part of its mystery is partly because the Government has never chosen to acknowledge the incident. It was only in 2013 when President Aquino chose to acknowledge the massacre for the first time in this country’s history.

You may ask why is this important? Because this only reveals just how consistent the stand of President Aquino is on the matter of the Bangsamoro. In choosing to acknowledge the Jabidah massacre, the massacre of the forces meant to invade Sabah, Aquino seems to put all Philippine claims on the territory behind us.

It also seems that President Aquino is hell bent on making this Bangsamoro arrangement of his work out. Sad to say, he won't be making any of the “hard choices” anytime soon.

Why Am I Outraged

If it was the PNP leadership and the President who is to blame for this massacre, then shouldn’t my outrage be directed towards them and not the Bangsamoro and the Peace Process? In a way that is correct, the PNP Leadership and the President should answer for this. The bungling leadership has no one else to blame but themselves for their deaths--it was a ceasefire they created, and “succeeded” the territory where they died to a rebel group and gave them sovereignty.

But the MILF is probably even more to blame for this: First, there was supposedly a ceasefire. Second, this was still Filipino territory, we have not given it to them yet.

Granted, we may argue that it was the BIFF that caused the slaughter, but it clearly shows either, the MILF cannot demonstrate that they control the territory supposedly given to them, or that they are allied to the BIFF and sanctioned this massacre.

Therefore, two things are clear to me: First is that our leadership is to blame for sending those policemen there without proper support, and second, the MILF/BIFF are to blame for not assessing the situation and committing the massacre [in cold blood].

What must be done

There must be retaliation from the government forces. The present administration is treating the MILF with kid’s gloves, giving in to demands from known terrorists. We must negotiate from a position of power: wipe-out several camps and decapitate its leadership--leave them powerless.

We must send them a message that one does not mess with the civilian authority of the Philippines. The deaths of the fallen44 and the way that government is trying to portray the massacre as a “mis-encounter” will only embolden the MILF into even greater atrocities.

I admit that war is a very difficult decision to make. Erap’s “all-out war” in 2000 left us with more than 200 dead soldiers. A war now will likely lead to even more, given the incompetent leadership. War will also be a great economic burden (though I suspect any unwillingness to spend for war will likely be due to the fact that politicians stand to lose a portion of taxpayers money which would otherwise find its way into their pockets).

Simply put, the MILF are taking us for fools. Fact of the matter is, I have a very low opinion of them. They are a bunch of “cop-killers”. The legitimacy of their cause is forever stained by the blood of those policemen.

So war is absolutely necessary from a political standpoint--to show the MILF (and possibly China, who is watching, that our government is not to be pushed around. Another reason is that, the culprits of the massacre are among the ranks of the MILF and the BIFF. Given the small chance that the culprits would be turned over, the best thing to do is to go in and cripple their forces, and force them to sue for peace and justice--force them to turn over Usman whom they are likely sheltering.

The Bangsamoro agreement must also be scrapped because not only is it unconstitutional, it is tantamount to giving a portion of the country over to the control of a bunch of terrorists and cop-killers.

At the end of this all, the Commander-in-Chief, President Aquino and the leadership under him, must himself be held accountable for the lack of coordination for this operation. After his term, inquiries should be held for this purpose and to determine Aquino’s liability for his gross negligence.

A more Moderate Approach

At the very least, if the Government is totally unwilling to wage war against these bandit-insurgents, they must at least mass some forces into the area. It seems that the MILF/BIFF are ahead of us at that one too as MILF and BIFF forces are massing in the area where the massacre occurred. A similar massing by government forces will ensure their good behavior for the duration of the ceasefire.

Another thing that we should at least, as suggested by some former Generals is to first, demand the surrender of the perpetrators of this massacre and second, to recover the firearms and equipment looted from their bodies. The first is to send a message as to who is the sovereign power in these parts of the country and will indeed show sincerity from the MILF and BIFF of their regret over the incident.

Some Unanswered Questions

And how could the nearby Army not come to the aid of the stricken police? This is totally baffling. Our ground commanders are known for their initiative and resolve--remember how our expeditionary forces escaped the ISIS encirclement, against their orders?

So how could they not respond to the call of the police for help? Because it would break the ceasefire? Remember that the PNP is a civilian force, first and foremost, don’t let their assault rifles, special training and equipment fool you--they were a bunch of civilians. The civilians are whom our military was sworn to protect.

That is why we must treat this as one of the country’s worst Military Failure/Defeat, as much as it was a massacre of civilians.

Police leadership should also learn from this disaster. One positive step is by exonerating the deputy PNP chief. Now, since the Police Deputy Director General Marcelo Garbo was purposely kept out of the loop regarding this operation, why the was he relieved?--it clearly wasn't his fault. The idiots are clearly aware of their blunder and they are now looking for a scapegoat.

Conclusion

This massacre was the greatest loss of life the PNP has ever experience in an operation in its history. A lot of these men went in never expecting to be fired upon during a ceasefire and left to be abandoned by nearby Military forces. Justice must definitely be served. It must be served upon the one who sent them to their deaths and must also be served upon their killers.

The fallen44 have shown us who we are dealing with: a merciless group of thugs who harbor terrorists. These are the people whose demands we are about to give into. Yes, peace in Mindanao must be achieved, but it should be done by first eradicating these terrorists from the region. Power does not belong to them and the region is not theirs by right nor are they the sovereign will of the people living there.

Related posts: